President Jacob Zuma Announces Cabinet in South Africa

South African President Jacob Zuma speaking at his inauguration on May 11, 2009 in Pretoria. He announced members of his cabinet as well as structural changes in the government.

Originally uploaded by Pan-African News Wire File Photos

11 May 2009 

President Jacob Zuma delivered his inauguration speech at the Union Buildings in Pretoria on Saturday 9 May 2009.

The following is the full text of President Jacob Zuma’s statement on the appointment of South Africa’s new cabinet on 10 May 2009. 

Members of the media, 

Good afternoon and thank you for joining us. 

We have since the launch of the ANC Manifesto indicated the type of new administration we envisaged in terms of size, shape and political focus. 

We went into an intensive process through the ANC’s National Executive Committee to discuss the type of government structure that would best serve our goals. We wanted a structure that would enable us to achieve visible and tangible socio-economic development within the next five years. 

It should be a structure which would enable us to effectively implement our policies. 

The structure of Cabinet and national departments has therefore been re-organised to achieve better alignment between the structure, our electoral mandate as per our election Manifesto, and the developmental challenges that need to receive immediate attention from government. 

In summary, some of the changes in the structure of government are the following: 

Following extensive research on international models on how governments in other parts of the world plan and monitor performance, we have decided to establish a National Planning Commission which will be based in the Presidency. 

The NPC will be responsible for strategic planning for the country to ensure one National Plan to which all spheres of government would adhere. 

This would enable us to take a more comprehensive view of socio-economic development in the country. 

We have also created a monitoring and evaluation competency in the Presidency, to monitor and evaluate the performance of government in all three spheres. 

There will therefore be two Ministers in the Presidency, one responsible for the NPC and the other for Monitoring and Evaluation as well as administration in the Presidency. 

Other changes are the following: 

The Department of Minerals and Energy will be split into two separate departments of Mining and of Energy, each with a Minister. 

The Department of Education will be split into separate Ministries, one for Basic Education and the other for Higher Education and Training. 

The Department of Housing will be called the Department of Human Settlements to take on a more holistic focus. 

There will be a new department of Rural Development and Land Affairs, which are part of our key priorities for the next five years. 

The Department of Water affairs and Forestry becomes the Department of Water and Environmental Affairs. 

A new Department of Economic Development has been established to focus on economic policymaking. The implementation functions will remain with the Department of 

Trade and Industry 

A new department of Tourism has been created. 

Agriculture becomes Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry.

The Department of Provincial and Local Government becomes Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs. 

A new Ministry has been created for Women, Youth, Children and People with Disability, to emphasise the need for equity and access to development opportunities for the vulnerable groups in our society. 

The Cabinet that will fulfill our objectives is composed as follows: 

The Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa will be Mr Kgalema Petros Motlanthe. 

The rest of Cabinet in alphabetical order is as follows: 

1. Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries 

Minister: Tina Joemat-Peterson 

Deputy Minister: Dr Pieter Mulder 

2. Arts and Culture 

Minister: Lulu Xingwana 

Deputy Minister: Paul Mashatile 

3. Basic Education 

Minister: Angie Motshekga 

Deputy Minister: Enver Surty 

4. Communications 

Minister: Siphiwe Nyanda 

Deputy Minister: Dina Pule 

5. Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs 

Minister: Sicelo Shiceka 

Deputy Minister: Yunus Carrim 

6. Correctional Services 

Minister: Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula 

Deputy Minister: Hlengiwe Mkhize 

7. Defence and Military Veterans 

Minister: Lindiwe Sisulu 

Deputy Minister: Thabang Makwetla 

8. Economic Development 

Minister: Ebrahim Patel 

Deputy Minister: Gwen Mahlangu-Nkabinde 

9. Energy 

Minister: Dipuo Peters 

10. Finance 

Minister: Pravin Gordhan 

Deputy Minister: Nhlanhla Nene 

11. Health 

Minister: Dr Aaron Motsoaledi 

Deputy Minister: Dr Molefi Sefularo 

12. Higher Education and Training 

Minister: Dr Blade Nzimande 

13. Home Affairs 

Minister: Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma 

Deputy Minister: Malusi Gigaba 

14. Human Settlements 

Minister: Tokyo Sexwale 

Deputy Minister: Zou Kota 

15. International Relations and Cooperation 

Minister: Maite Nkoana-Mashabane 

Deputy Minister (1): Ebrahim Ismail Ebrahim 

Deputy Minister (2): Sue van der Merwe 

16. Justice and Constitutional Development 

Minister: Jeff Radebe 

Deputy Minister: Andries Nel 

17. Labour 

Minister: Membathisi Mdladlana 

18. Mining 

Minister: Susan Shabangu 

19. Police 

Minister: Nathi Mthethwa 

Deputy Minister: Fikile Mbalula 

20. Public Enterprises 

Minister: Barbara Hogan 

Deputy Minister: Enoch Godongwana 

21. Public Service and Administration 

Minister: Richard Baloyi 

Deputy Minister: Roy Padayachie 

22. Public Works 

Minister: Geoff Doidge 

Deputy Minister: Hendrietta Bogopane-Zulu 

23. Rural Development and Land Reform 

Minister: Gugile Nkwinti 

Deputy Minister: Dr Joe Phaahla 

24. Science and Technology 

Minister: Naledi Pandor 

Deputy Minister: Derek Hanekom 

25. Social Development 

Minister: Edna Molewa 

Deputy Minister: Bathabile Dlamini 

26. Sport and Recreation 

Minister: Makhenkesi Stofile 

Deputy Minister: Gert Oosthuizen 

27. State Security 

Minister: Siyabonga Cwele 

28. Minister in The Presidency (1) 

National Planning Commission: Trevor Manuel 

29. Minister in The Presidency (2) 

Performance Monitoring and Evaluation as well as Administration in the Presidency: Collins Chabane 

30. Tourism 

Minister: Marthinus van Schalkwyk 

Deputy: Thozile Xasa 

31. Trade and Industry 

Minister: Rob Davies 

Deputy Minister (1): Thandi Tobias 

Deputy Minister (2): Maria Ntuli 

32. Transport 

Minister: Sbusiso Joel Ndebele 

Deputy Minister: Jeremy Cronin 

33. Water and Environmental Affairs 

Minister: Buyelwa Sonjica 

Deputy Minister: Rejoice Mabhudafhasi 

34. Women, Youth, Children and People with Disabilities 

Minister: Noluthando Mayende-Sibiya 

We stated clearly during the campaign that we want an efficient, caring and effective administration, which will be accessible and responsive to the needs of the people. 

We reiterate that we will not tolerate laziness and incompetence, and that we will emphasise excellence and achievement from the Cabinet and the public service. 

With these objectives in mind, I am confident that the new structure of government will enable the state machinery to speed up service delivery. 

Civil servants will not lose their jobs as a result of these changes. This is a matter of principle in terms of the country’s labour relations dispensation. 

I however want to stress to our public servants that the era of hard work has begun. Public servants who do their work diligently and efficiently have nothing to worry about. 

I wish the new team all the best with their responsibilities. 

We request the South African public and all key sectors of our society to support them in their national service. 

Let me also take this opportunity to wish all South African mothers well on Mother’s Day today. 

Mothers are the backbones of our families, communities and our nation. 

We truly appreciate their role in our society, in both the public sphere and within families. 

I thank you. 

Source: The Presidency - Republic of South Africa

How would you grade Nigerian democracy?

This week, Nigeria will mark ten years of uninterrupted democratic rule. In 1999, the then Head of State General Abdulsalami Abubakar handed over the reins of government to newly elected President Olusegun Obasanjo.

Nigeria, Africa's most populous nation has had its democracy severely tested in recent times.Earlier this month Nigerian soldiers fired shots and tear gas to disperse opposition demonstrators who vowed to challenge the result of elections in Ekiti State which were narrowly won by the governing People's Democratic Party (PDP). 

The unrest was seen by many observers as Nigeria's biggest test since the 2007 federal election.

It's only two years until the the 2011 general election. Will Nigeria be able to emulate Ghana and South Africa and hold a trouble free election?

In what areas is Nigeria making progress? If you're in Nigeria, how has your life changed in the last ten years? Send us your views.

Bingu sworn in, extends olive branch

Left: Part of the crowd at Kamuzu Stadium Right: Mutharika (pics: Levi Kabwato)

While main challenger to Mutharika, John Tembo of the MCP/UDF Alliance was conspicuous with his absence, his counterpart, former head of state Bakili Muluzi was in attendance. Muluzi’s gestures throughout the event were full of warmth and goodwill towards Mutharika.  The two hugged and exchanged a few pleasantries as Mutharika arrived to take his seat. 

Mutharika said it was time for Malawi to heal “bruises of a gruelling campaign” and focus on developing the country. To prove his commitment to this endeavour, the president assured the opposition and all Malawians that he will not practice the politics of vengeance and retribution at all in the next five years.  

These sentiments should put to rest rife speculation that Mutharika and his DPP were poised to use their landslide victory to attack and castigate the opposition, especially the MCP/UDF Alliance for frustrating Mutharika’s government and the DPP campaign. 

In the run up to the May 19 poll, MCP and UDF launched one attack after the other at DPP, declaring that the party would have no life beyond May 19. Yet, the reverse would seem to be true. However, if Mutharika sticks to his promises, he might just earn himself even more support than what he is already enjoying. 

Meanwhile, there has been no official word from John Tembo regarding his future in politics and given Muluzi’s presence at Mutharika’s inauguration as well as his pledge to support the government of Mutharika.

Source:africaelections.org

Malawi: Mutharika Leading in Flawed Election

Dr. Bingu wa Mutharika

President Bingu wa Mutharika of Malawi appears set to win re-election in polls marred by what monitoring groups have described as the "unashamed bias" of state radio and television during the election campaign.

With a third of the votes counted by early Thursday, Mutharika – of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) – was reported to have pulled more than half the votes so far, and the experienced African election observer Denis Kadima told AllAfrica in an interview that he did not expect the trend to change.

Kadima said the principal opposition challenger, John Tembo of the Malawi Congress Party did not perform as well as had been expected in his strongholds.

“There won't be any surprises at this stage… The difference is too big and the trend is such that Tembo will lag behind.”

Kadima said he expected the pace at which election results were being released to speed up and that counting would probably be completed by Friday. Delegations for the presidential inauguration were already arriving, he added.

“I expect that things will continue to go smoothly, and unless the losers come with strong and palpable evidence, it will be very difficult for them to delay this process… The process was managed in a transparent and professional manner, based on what they could afford… with the time given and the skill and resources they had.”

Interim reports issued by domestic and international election observers agreed that the election process on polling day went smoothly, but were unanimously critical of the run-up to the election. State-controlled radio and television came in for particularly strong criticism.

The Malawi Election Support Network, a local coalition of 75 civil society organisations, said in its preliminary report that voting on election day "generally took place without serious problems," but that "a significant number of voters’ names did not appear on the voter registers..." resulting in an undetermined number of voters being disenfranchised.

But, the network added, the political environment ahead of the election did not meet the minimum standards laid down by the Southern African Development Community (SADC).

"In particular, concern remained about the heightened level of political tension between the ruling party and opposition and the lack of confidence in certain quarters of the voting public as well as the opposition concerning the impartiality and effectiveness of the Electoral Commission."

The voter registration process was also marred by irregularities, said the network. However, it noted a "significant improvement" in the number of woman candidates.

Kadima’s Electoral Institute of Southern Africa (EISA), said in its interim report that the elections had so far been held "in conformity" with SADC principles on election management and monitoring.

But it suggested that the ruling party had more access to campaign finance and state media than the opposition. The governing DPP had “significantly more campaign material than other political parties. The mission received several reports of allegations of the use of state resources for campaign purposes by the incumbent party. The... mission was not in a position to verify these allegations although it views them most seriously."

EISA also deplored what it termed "hate speech" during the campaign.

"Malawi Television and the Malawi Broadcasting Corporation failed to provide equitable access to all parties," it added. "Their coverage excessively favoured the DPP.”

Former Ghanaian president John Kufuor, heading a team of Commonwealth election observers, said election day had been peaceful and the voting process well managed, but key benchmarks for democratic elections had not been met.

The Commonwealth's interim report said that "the overwhelming impact of the exploitation of the incumbency advantage, especially the unashamed bias of the state TV and radio, created a markedly unlevel playing field, tarnishing the otherwise democratic character of the campaign."

The report continued: "We are extremely concerned at the conduct of state-owned media in its coverage of these elections. The Election Law provides that every political party shall have the right to have its 'campaign propaganda’ broadcast on radio by the Malawi Broadcasting Corporation. In addition, major media had all signed a code of conduct highlighting the need for balanced and fair reporting.

"However, reporting and coverage of the President and DPP's campaign by state radio and TV was unashamedly partisan...

"In the weeks leading up to the day of the election the President and his party were afforded over 97 percent of airtime. At the same time, the same media refused to provide virtually any access to other candidates and parties or to abide by agreements to air party political broadcasts.

"Conversely, it was reported that Joy FM, a private radio station which offered extensive coverage to the opposition, was closed down on the eve of the election by police for allegedly breaking the campaign silence.

"We were pleased that more balanced coverage of the election was provided by some private radio stations, such as Zodiac and Capital, which is an encouraging development. While some opposition parties did have access to coverage in newspapers and private radio stations, this in no way compensates for the blanket coverage afforded to the President and the governing party by the state-owned media."

Malawi Elections:Commonwealth Not Happy with State Media Coverage

Dr. Bingu wa MutharikaThe Commonwealth's interim report said that "the overwhelming impact of the exploitation of the incumbency advantage, especially the unashamed bias of the state TV and radio, created a markedly unlevel playing field, tarnishing the otherwise democratic character of the campaign."

The report continued: "We are extremely concerned at the conduct of state-owned media in its coverage of these elections. The Election Law provides that every political party shall have the right to have its 'campaign propaganda’ broadcast on radio by the Malawi Broadcasting Corporation. In addition, major media had all signed a code of conduct highlighting the need for balanced and fair reporting.

"However, reporting and coverage of the President and DPP's campaign by state radio and TV was unashamedly partisan...

"In the weeks leading up to the day of the election the President and his party were afforded over 97 percent of airtime. At the same time, the same media refused to provide virtually any access to other candidates and parties or to abide by agreements to air party political broadcasts.

"Conversely, it was reported that Joy FM, a private radio station which offered extensive coverage to the opposition, was closed down on the eve of the election by police for allegedly breaking the campaign silence.

"We were pleased that more balanced coverage of the election was provided by some private radio stations, such as Zodiac and Capital, which is an encouraging development. While some opposition parties did have access to coverage in newspapers and private radio stations, this in no way compensates for the blanket coverage afforded to the President and the governing party by the state-owned media."

Former Ghanaian president John Kufuor, heading a team of Commonwealth election observers, said election day had been peaceful and the voting process well managed, but key benchmarks for democratic elections had not been met.

Kadima’s Electoral Institute of Southern Africa (EISA), said in its interim report that the elections had so far been held "in conformity" with SADC principles on election management and monitoring.

But it suggested that the ruling party had more access to campaign finance and state media than the opposition. The governing DPP had “significantly more campaign material than other political parties. The mission received several reports of allegations of the use of state resources for campaign purposes by the incumbent party. The... mission was not in a position to verify these allegations although it views them most seriously."

EISA also deplored what it termed "hate speech" during the campaign.

"Malawi Television and the Malawi Broadcasting Corporation failed to provide equitable access to all parties," it added. "Their coverage excessively favoured the DPP.”

ANC wins South Africa elections, but loses some ground

Themba Hadebe / Associated Press

ANC leader Jacob Zuma, left, is congratulated by a rival at an election center in Pretoria. With the ANC getting 264 seats in the 400-member parliament, Zuma is set to become the new president in a vote by lawmakers in May.

The ruling party falls just shy of a two-thirds majority as opposition groups make gains. ANC also loses control of a key province, Western Cape, to the Democratic Alliance.

By Robyn Dixon 

April 26, 2009

Reporting from Johannesburg -- The governing African National Congress won South Africa's elections by a huge margin, according to final results announced Saturday, but fell short of the symbolically important two-thirds majority.

And in a significant blow, it lost control of the Western Cape to the main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance.

The ANC's victory was expected, and attention had focused on whether it would continue to maintain the psychological advantage gained by winning at least two-thirds of the vote. Opposition parties campaigned strongly to prevent it from doing so.

The party, with its history of fighting apartheid, has dominated politics since 1994 when it came to power under Nelson Mandela in the country's first democratic elections. .

Mandela appeared at an ANC rally last week in an endorsement of the party's presidential candidate, Jacob Zuma. The South African president is chosen by parliament, and Zuma is certain to win the post and be inaugurated next month.

Zuma has made an extraordinary political comeback after a series of seemingly insurmountable political setbacks and prosecutions. Corruption charges were dropped just weeks ago because of prosecutorial misconduct, but the opposition is demanding a judicial review of the decision.

Voters came back to the ANC despite social unrest and repeated protests over poor government services since the 2004 election. 

But the decline in the ANC's vote and increase in support for the main opposition party suggests a gradual political shift. When the next elections are held in five years, the first of those born since the end of apartheid -- without personal experience of the struggle against it -- will be eligible to vote. 

Some analysts have characterized the results of last week's elections as a victory for everyone. The ANC had a big win, and the two main opposition parties did well, too.

The ANC won 65.9% of the 17.7 million votes cast, down 4 percentage points from five years ago. That gives it 264 seats in the 400-member parliament, three short of a two-thirds majority.

The Democratic Alliance won 16.6%, an increase of 4 percentage points, and gets 67 seats in parliament. The party, led by a white woman, Helen Zille, is perceived by many blacks as a white party, but has tried to overcome that image by selecting many biracial and black candidates.

The Congress of the People, launched four months ago with limited financial resources, won 7.42%. COPE was formed by anti-Zuma dissidents who split from the ANC after Thabo Mbeki was ousted as president. It will seat 30 lawmakers.

The balance of the votes were distributed among minor opposition parties. 

Western Cape, where the DA won, is the home of South Africa's "mother city," Cape Town, and is a draw for tourists with its stunning coastline, vineyards and scenic Table Mountain. But Khayelitsha, a sprawling township of 1.5 million people on its outskirts, is one of the country's poorest areas. Many people still live in shacks, and the township is riven by gang violence and drugs.

If the DA succeeds in improving services and runs the province more efficiently, it could help the party in the next elections. 

robyn.dixon@latimes.com

South Africa's election, Jacob Zuma, Africa's next Big Man

From The Economist print edition

If Jacob Zuma avoids becoming a caricature of African leadership, he could change the whole continent for the better

National News and Pictures

WITHIN weeks, Jacob Zuma is set to become the most powerful man in Africa, a continent of a billion souls that is still the poorest and, despite recent improvements, the worst governed on the planet. South Africa provides more than a third of the 48 sub-Saharan economies’ total GDP. It is Africa’s sole member of the G20 group of influential countries and packs a punch in global diplomacy. Its emergence from the gruesome era of apartheid is a miracle of reconciliation. Africans across the continent and oppressed peoples elsewhere still look to South Africa’s leader as a beacon of hope.

The country’s president is to be elected by Parliament after a general election on April 22nd which the dominant African National Congress (ANC) is sure to win again. As the party’s candidate, Mr Zuma is unquestionably Africa’s next “Big Man”. But it is a phrase that goes to the heart of the continent’s troubles. Too many African countries have been ruined by political chiefs for whom government is the accumulation of personal power and the dispensation of favours. That the revered Nelson Mandela’s rainbow nation is now turning to a man of Mr Zuma’s stamp may sharpen prejudices about Africa. It is for Mr Zuma to prove these doubters wrong.

He is undoubtedly a man of remarkable qualities (seearticle). In contrast to his dour predecessor, Thabo Mbeki, Mr Zuma can charm the birds out of the trees. Unlike the racially twitchy Mr Mbeki, he feels good in his skin, happy to acknowledge, even celebrate, his modest background. He properly educated himself only during his ten years as a prisoner on Robben Island, alongside Mr Mandela. Mr Zuma is charismatic and canny, as you would expect of a guerrilla who rose to be head of intelligence for the now-ruling ANC. He has been a wily negotiator, who magisterially ended the strife between his fellow Zulus in the early post-apartheid era. He connects easily with black slum-dwellers and white tycoons alike.

Big man, big problems

But his flaws are just as patent. He has been entangled for years in a thicket of embarrassing legal cases from which he has only recently been extricated—on a technicality. His financial adviser was sentenced to 15 years in prison for soliciting bribes for Mr Zuma. He has also been tried, and acquitted, on a rape charge. At the least, he has sailed perilously close to the wind. To put the kindest interpretation on his financial dealings, he has been naive and sloppy, not the best qualities for looking after Africa’s biggest economy. During his trial for the rape of an HIV-infected family friend, at the height of the AIDS plague in a country which has the world’s highest recorded rate of rapes, he showed gross chauvinism and staggering ignorance, notoriously explaining that after having sex he had showered to stave off the disease. He is an illiberal populist, sneering at gays and hinting at bringing back the death penalty.

When it comes to policy, Mr Zuma travels light. In the wake of Mr Mbeki’s shameful and lethal denial of the link between HIV and AIDS, he has overseen the appointment of a sensible new health minister. He seems to want the awful Robert Mugabe ousted in Zimbabwe, though his pronouncements have varied. Once a member of the South African Communist Party, which used to fawn on the Kremlin, he shamelessly switched to capitalism after his predecessors, Mr Mandela and Mr Mbeki, had persuaded the ANC to somersault away from socialism. These days he tells the hungry black majority that he has their interests at heart, while reassuring businessmen that he will not switch to high-tax redistribution. No one is sure in which direction he will push the economy, now wobbling after years of steady, commodity-fuelled growth.

As with all the other Big Men, the principal worries revolve around a fatal conflation of party and state. Given South Africa’s racial and tribal mix, robustly independent bodies are vital, from Parliament and the judiciary to human-rights monitors, medical institutions and free media, but the ANC has stuffed all of them with party loyalists to entrench its hegemony. Candidate Zuma has seemed to rate loyalty to the ANC above all else, even the admirable constitution that the party itself was largely responsible for writing. It is not certain he believes in the need to separate powers, letting his fans hurl abuse at judges when they ruled against him.

Confound us all

President Zuma must grab his early chances to reassure the worriers. He should state unequivocally that he will not propose a law to render the head of state immune from criminal prosecution. He needs to resist the temptation to elevate some of his dodgier friends to high judicial posts. Parliament needs more bite to nip the heels of the executive; the present system of election by party lists shrivels the independence of members and needs reform. To curb cronyism, all MPs, ministers and board members of state-funded institutions should register their and their families’ assets. He should also keep the sound Trevor Manuel as finance minister. Finally, Mr Zuma should ask his government to revise, perhaps even phase out, the policy of “black economic empowerment”. This may have been necessary 15 years ago to put a chunk of the economy into black hands. But its main beneficiaries now are a coterie of ANC-linked people, not the poor masses.

Hardest of all for Mr Zuma to accept is that, in the longer run, South African democracy needs a sturdier opposition. The liberal Democratic Alliance, led by a brave white woman, Helen Zille, has good ideas but has failed to expand its appeal beyond a white core. The new Congress of the People, a black-led breakaway from the ANC, has able leaders, yet several are tainted by association with Mr Mbeki. With luck the opposition parties may stop the ANC from getting the two-thirds of parliamentary seats that would let it override the constitution.

Mr Zuma could yet prove to be the right sort of Big Man: big enough to hold his party back from creating something akin to a one-party state, big enough to accept that no one, himself included, is above the law. If that is how he chooses to spend his five years in power, South Africa would indeed serve as a model for the whole continent. But will he?

Source:The Economist

Can Ghana trounce the bad news?